Sunday 29 April 2012

Will the Armed Force be as a solution or confrontation ?

The Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of the Philippines and the United States of America was signed on August 30, 1951 in Washington, D.C. between representatives of the Philippines and the United States.^[6] The overall accord contained eight articles and dictated that both nations would support each other if either the Philippines or the United States were to be attacked by an external party.^[6]
As stated in article one of the treaty each party is to settle international disputes in a peaceful manner so that the international peace is not threatened and to refrain from the threat of the use of force in any manner that is inconsistent with the purpose of the United Nations.^[6] Article II states that each party either separately or jointly through mutual aid may acquire,develop and maintain their capacity to resist armed attack. Article III states that from time to time the parties will consult one another through the use of their secretaries of state, foreign ministers or consuls in order to determine the appropriate measures of implementation.^[6] The parties will also consult one another when either of the party determines that their territorial integrity, political independence or national security is threatened by armed attack in the Pacific.^[6] Article four states that an attack on either party will be acted upon in accordance with their constitutional processes and that any armed attack on either party will be brought to the attention of the United Nations for immediate action.^[6] Once the United Nations has issued such orders all hostile actions between the signatories of this treaty and opposing parties will be terminated.^[6]
Article five defines the meaning of attack and its purpose which includes all attacks by a hostile power will be held as an attack on a metropolitan area by both parties or on the island territories under its jurisdiction in the Pacific or on its armed forces, public vessels or aircraft in the Pacific.^[6] Article six states that this treaty does not affect, impede, or shall not be interpreted as affecting the rights and obligations of the parties under the Charter of the United Nations.^[6] Article seven states that the treaty shall be ratified in accordance with the constitutional processes set delineated by the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines.^[6] Lastly, article eight stipulates that the treaty terms are indefinite until one or both parties wish to terminate the agreement. If the agreement is to be terminated either party must give one year advanced notice.^[6]

The malitary fundamental government should be shaped out .

After the Shan States Council had decided that the Shan States Representatives to the Burma Constituent Assembly would consist of 33 Saohpas and 33 representatives of the people, it was decided to send the following communication to the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry (F.A.C.E.) regarding the matter.
The Shan States desire the following facts be taken into consideration by F.A.C.E. in its report to the Governments concerned: -

1.	The Shan States shall participate in the forthcoming Constituent Assembly, members to be nominated by the Shan States Council on population basis.
2.	In the Constituent Assembly no decision shall be effected in matters regarding the Shan States or any change, amendment, modification affecting the Shan States in the future Constitution of the Federation, without a clear majority of two-thirds of the votes of the members from the Shan States.
3.	Association with Burma shall be on a Federal basis with – a. equal rights and status; b. full internal autonomy for the Shan States; c. right of secession from the Federation at any time after attainment of freedom.
4.	Federation on subjects which cannot be dealt with by the Shan States alone, such as: - a. Defence, b. Foreign Affairs, c. Railways, Post and Telegraph, d. Coinage and Currency, e. Customs, etc., Would be defined as common subjects by the Constituent Assembly.
5.	The selection and appointments of the Judge of the Supreme Court to interpret the Constitution, should, by Convention, be approved by the majority of the Frontier members of the Federal Government.

At the Kachin Representatives also agreed to adopt the Shan States model, the Conference of the Supreme Executive Council of the United Hill Peoples, held at the Haw of the Saohpalong of Yawnghwe State, in Yawnghwe, from the 18^th to the 27^th of March 1947 approved the following decisions.

1.	Representative members to the Constituent Assembly to be nominated by the Provincial Councils proportionately, on intellectual basis, irrespective of race, creed and religion as for as the Hill Areas are concerned.
2.	To take part in the Burmese Constituent Assembly on population basis, but no decision to be effected in matters regarding a particular area without two-thirds majority of votes of the Representatives of the Areas concerned. * a. Equal rights for all. b. Full internal autonomy for all Representatives of Hill Areas. c.Right of secession from Burma proper at any time after attaining freedom.
3.	It is resolved that due provisions shall be made in the future Burmese constitution that no diplomatic engagements shall be undertaken or appointments made without prior reference to the Hill States.
4.	In matters of common subjects, e.g., Defence, etc., no decision shall be made without the prior consent of the majority of representatives of the Hill States irrespective of the Burmese votes.
5.	The provision shall be made in the Constitution of the Federated Burma that any change, amendment or modification affecting the Hill States, either directly or indirectly shall not be made without a clear majority of two-thirds votes of the Representatives of the Hill States.
6.	When opinion differs as to the interpretation of the terms in the Constitution, the matter shall be referred for decision to a Bench of the **High Count of Judicature at Rangoon, comprising of the Chief Justice and two other Justices.
7.	The total number of the Burmese members in the Federal Cabinet shall not exceed the total number of the members of the Frontier States in the said Cabinet.

The Frontier Areas Committee of enquiry during its official enqurires held in Maymyo, gathered evidence from 10 groups of representatives from the Shan States, 8 groups of Kachin representatives from the Bhamo and Myitkyina District, and 10 groups of representatives from the Chin Hills, and found that a majority of them favoured the above decisions of the Supreme Executive Council of the United Hill Peoples, taken at the Yawnghwe Haw. Therefore Part 3 of the Committee’s report stated as follows:
The Future of the Frontier Areas – The views of the witnesses form the Federated Shan States and from the Kachin Hills are strongly in fovour of a federated Burma in which the Federated Shan States will form a State or unit and the Kachin Hills another. They desire the fullest possible autonomy for the Shan States within the federation but agree that certain subjects of general scope should be entrusted to the federation.
Since the Shan State was to send 25 representatives to the Constituent Assembly, the numbers were allocated as follows:

1.	11	Saphpas
2.	11	Representatives of the people
3.	1	Representative of Kokang State
4.	2	Representatives of Kachins from the Northern Shan States

Total 25 Representatives.

Saturday 28 April 2012

World Monetary System Should be Changed .

In the present situation, with capacity utilization at historic lows and unemployment rising at a dramatic rate, there is little danger of either overheating or wage inflation for several years to come. It is a matter of years, not months, before economies that are now in deep crisis can be restored to a level of capacity utilization where supply cannot keep up with demand, or to a level of employment that could trigger demand for higher wages. This will allow central banks to gradually withdraw excess liquidity by selling revalued assets and absorbing excess money supply.
“Indeed, deflation – not inflation – is the real danger. Wage deflation is the imminent and most dangerous threat in many countries today, because governments will find it much more difficult to stabilize a tumbling economy when there is a large-scale fall in wages and consumption.”
But even more interesting is what it has to say about remodelling the world’s monetary system.
Here perhaps it’s best for me to point you towards my news story and to paste in part of the press release (long, but really worth reading):

The TDR 2009 also points to the weakness of an international reserve system that uses a national currency as a reserve asset. Such a system always depends on monetary policy decisions by the central bank that issues that currency, decisions that are taken according to national policy needs and preferences; they do not account for the needs of the international payments system and of the world economy. Another disadvantage of such a system is that at times of current account disequilibria it imposes the entire adjustment burden on deficit countries. The IMF has reinforced this deflationary bias by imposing restrictive policies on deficit countries as part of its loan conditions, rather than pressing surplus countries to carry out more expansionary policies. Only deficit countries that issue a reserve currency, as the United States, are under no obligation to adjust to growing current-account disequilibria.
But neither capital account management, nor a new international reserve currency will solve the main problem confronting many countries, in particular emerging-market economies, in a world with a high degree of financial integration: the problem of exchange-rate management. It is not possible for a country to absorb external shocks efficiently by adopting either entirely flexible or rigidly fixed exchange rates, UNCTAD economists argue in the report. They therefore suggest that countries should adopt a system of managed flexible exchange rates. This system would target a real exchange rate that is consistent with a sustainable current-account position. Since the exchange rate is a variable always involving at least two currencies, there is a much better chance of achieving a stable pattern of exchange rates in a multilaterally agreed framework for exchange-rate management.
UNCTAD argues that a new monetary system based on multilaterally agreed principles and rules is needed for macroeconomic stability in the globalized economy and for a level playing field for international trade. The report points to the importance of stabilizing real exchange rates at a sustainable level. Such a system would go a long way towards reducing the scope for speculative capital flows that generate volatility in the international financial system and distort the pattern of trade. A stable real exchange rate (RER) at a competitive level would achieve a number of targets simultaneously:
* It would curb speculation, because the main trigger for currency speculation is inflation and interest rate differentials, which would be compensated for by changes in nominal exchange rates.
* It would prevent currency crises, because the main incentive for speculating in currencies of high-inflation countries would disappear, and overvaluation, one of the main destabilizing factors for developing countries over the past 20 years, would not occur.
* It would prevent fundamental and long-lasting global imbalances and avoid subsequent debt traps for developing countries.
* It would avoid procyclical conditionality attached to International Monetary Fund (IMF) supported stabilization programmes, such as cutting government expenditures and raising interest rates. Countries facing strong depreciation pressure could automatically receive financial assistance through swap agreements or through symmetric intervention by countries facing the corresponding appreciation pressure.
* It would reduce the need to hold international reserves to defend exchange rates and could be combined with a stronger role for special drawing rights (SDR), if allocations are made in light of a country´s need for international liquidity to stabilize its real exchange rate at a multilaterally agreed level.
Such a multilateral system would tackle the problem of speculation and destabilizing capital flows at its source, the TDR says.

The system sketched out by the UN amounts to nothing less than the most radical overhaul of the world’s economic structures since Bretton Woods in 1944. It would effectively kill off the vast swathes of the financial system which thrive on currency arbitrage and trading. Many people (particularly after the crisis) would say this is no bad thing.
The problem is that as interesting as this is, I fear the proposal has come too late (this time around). Unless there is a massive further dive in economic output next year (not to be ruled out), the political will to reform is likely to peter out, particularly as we seem to be in full "green shoots" season. Indeed, earlier today one of the report’s authors acknowledged to me that the window of opportunity for a change has now most probably passed.
Detlef Kotte of UNCTAD said: "The momentum following this, the strongest recession in 80 years and the first of the globlised economy, has led to a rethinking of what were considered eternal principles. However, that momentum is getting lost. The G20 has not embarked on any such reforms.
"The fear is that the international element of this casino will remain largely untouched. But there is an increased consciousness that future crises cannot be avoided unless there is an overhaul of the financial and monetary system.
What is at least encouraging is that, should another crisis happen in the coming years, at least the work is now starting to be done to come up with a superior system with which to replace the existing, battered, misshapen mess that Bretton Woods evolved into over the past few decades."

Tags: bretton woods, dollar, economic crisis, exchange rates, financial crisis, un, unctad

Friday 27 April 2012

Will the US ENTER THE SOUTH CHINA SEA disputed Islands Area ?

Who is the trouble maker ?

Q&A: South China Sea dispute

Rival countries have squabbled over territory in the South China Sea for centuries - but a recent upsurge in tension has sparked concern that the area is becoming a flashpoint with global consequences.

What is the argument about?

It is a dispute over territory and sovereignty over ocean areas and the Paracels and the Spratlys - two island chains claimed in whole or in part by a number of countries. Alongside the fully fledged islands, there are dozens of uninhabited rocky outcrops, atolls, sandbanks and reefs.

Who claims what?

China claims by far the largest portion of territory - an area stretching hundreds of miles south and east from its most southerly province of Hainan. Beijing has said its right to the area come from 2,000 years of history where the Paracel and Spratly island chains were regarded as integral parts of the Chinese nation.
In 1947 China issued a map detailing its claims. It showed the two island groups falling entirely within its territory. Those claims are mirrored by Taiwan, because the island considers itself the Republic of China and has the same territorial claims.
Vietnam hotly disputes China's historical account, saying China never claimed sovereignty over the islands until the 1940s. Vietnam says both island chains are entirely within its territory. It says it has actively ruled over both the Paracels and the Spratlys since the 17th Century - and has the documents to prove it.
The other major claimant in the area is the Philippines, which invokes its geographical proximity to the Spratly Islands as the main basis of its claim for part of the grouping.

Malaysia and Brunei also lay claim to territory in the South China Sea that they say falls within their economic exclusion zones, as defined by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982. Brunei does not claim any of the disputed islands, but Malaysia claims a small number of islands in the Spratlys.

Saturday 21 April 2012

Would Aung San Suu Kyi undertake the National Reconciliation Issue ?

(5) Complete Autonomy for the States

The right of every Constituent State, (including Burma State, which shall be established), to complete autonomy shall be spelled out in the new Constitution. The basic Law shall require that there shall be no interference by the Central Government or by any other State in the internal affairs of any State.
Since the revised new Constitution of the Union of Burma will be of the genuine federal type, the States shall each have their own State Constitution, their own State Legislative assembly, their own separate State Government, and their own State Constitution, their own State Legislative assembly, their own separate institute Judiciary and Courts of Law, provided that these State institution are not inconsistent with the Central Union Constitution.
For those peoples who lack the qualifications to form a State, National Areas shall be established, and guarantees for protecting their national rights shall be entrenched in the new Constitution.
In revising the Constitution, it will be worse than useless to try to conduct a mere patch-up job by tinkering with the defective sections mentioned above. What is needed here is to discard altogether the old Constitution as well as the principle on which it is based, and to replace it with a completely different Constitution, based on genuine federal principles.
The Members of the Shan State Steering Committee for the Revision of the Constitution of the Union of Burma are as follows:

1.	Thiripyanchi Sao Hkun Aung	Shan State United Hill Peoples Party	Member
2.	U Hme	Shan State United Hill Peoples Party	Member
3.	Sao Yawt Mong	Shan State United Hill Peoples Party	Member
4.	Agga Maha Thraysithu Agga Maha Thiri Thudhamma Sao Shwe Thaike	Saohpas Association	Member
5.	Wunna Kyaw Htin Sao Man Hpa	Saohpas Association	Member
6.	Sao Kya Saing	Saohpas Association	Member
7.	Thray Sithu Sao Shwe Hmon	Shan State Unity Party	Member
8.	U San Mya	Shan State Unity Party	Member
9.	U Htun Ohn	Shan State Unity Party	Member
10.	U Htun Aye	Shan State Unity Party	Member
11.	U Khan	Shan State Unity Party	Member
12.	U Aung Than	Shan State Unity Party	Member
13.	U Lun	In People’s Freedom Party	Member
14.	U Soe Maung	In Peoples Freedom Party	Member
15.	U Chit Oo	In Peoples Freedom Party	Member
16.	U Pyu	Pao National Party	Member
17.	U Hla Pe	Pao National Party	Member
18.	U Kyaw Seing	Pao National Party	Member
19.	U Htun Pe	Independent	Member
20.	U Hkun Htee	Independent	Member
21.	U Htun Myint Galay	Independent	Member
22.	U Hkun Naung	Independent	Member
23.	U Yee Yao	Independent	Member
24.	Sao Man Hpa	Co-opted Member	Member
25.	Maha Thray Sithu U Kya Bu	Co-opted Member	Member
26.	Thiripyanchi U Ba Nyan	Co-opted Member	Member
27.	Mahathra Sithu Sao Htun E	Co-opted Member	Member
28.	U Khun Sam Myat	Co-opted Member	Member
29.	Sao Kyaw Khaung	Co-opted Member	Member
30.	Sao Hso Hom	Co-opted Member	Member

(Sd.) Thray Sithu Sao Pye
Chairman, Shan State Council
Chairman

(Sd.) Sao Kya Sone
Secretary, Shan State Council
Secretary

Taunggyi, Dated the 22^nd of February 1961.

Ethnic Alliance of Myanmar Ready to meet Government Negotiator .

Will be they sure for Peace in the future Federal Union of Myanmar ? Dialogue with Democratic Value .

Ethnic alliance ready to meet government negotiator

Friday, 20 April 2012 11:30 S.H.A.N.

The 11-member United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) is now ready to parley with Naypyitaw’s chief negotiator U Aung Min, according to the statement issued by the grouping yesterday at a press conference held on the Chiangmai-Shan State East border.
This is the official response to U Aung Min’s offer made through him on 23 December 2011 in Bangkok, said Hkun Okker, the UNFC’s Joint Secretary #2 and President of the PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO).
The alliance is expected to present U Aung Min with a new peace roadmap. “The fact that some of our members have signed ceasefire agreements with the regime doesn’t necessarily mean we agree with its proposed peace process.”
Five of the member organizations that have signed ceasefire agreements are Chin National Front (CNF), Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Shan State Progress Party (SSPP).

UNFC Press Conference on 19 April 2012 (Photo: SHAN)

Other members are Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), Arakan National Council (ANC), Lahu Democratic Union (LDU), PaO National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) and Wa National Organization (WNO).
The said 3 stage process as announced by U Aung Min during his meeting with representatives from 5 armed movements in Chiangrai on 19 November includes Ceasefire, Development and Political Dialogue leading to a (1947) Panglong-like conference.
President Thein Sein, during his speech to the Union Assembly on 1 March elaborated further:

State level. Stop all hostilities, stay only at agreed areas, not to hold any arms in other places except from those agreed areas, open liaison offices, and fix the venue, time and date for Union level dialogue
Union level. Points to be discussed: not to secede from the Union, accept the Three Main National Causes, cooperate in economic development tasks, cooperate in elimination of narcotic drugs, take part in political process by setting up political parties, entering elections, discussing with other national races at the Parliament to amend the constitution, and coordinating existence of a single armed forces
Third step. Agreement amending the constitution to be signed at the Parliament.

The UNFC however has a different proposal to make on the process:

(1) Meeting of the UNFC Peace Delegation and the Union Government Peace Delegation (led by U Aung Min Delegation) as soon as possible;

(2) Meeting of the UNFC Peace Delegation and the Union Government Peace Delegation as a preliminary-stage political dialogue;

(3) Holding of an Ethnic Nationalities Conference with non-UNFC ethnic forces;

(4) Convening a National Convention comprising all the nationalities, particularly with the participation of government, outside of the parliament, holding the results obtained from the Ethnic Nationalities Conference;

(5) Obtaining a “National Accord”, according to the majority decision, from the National Convention and the signing of it by all the forces;

(6) Continuing work according to the provisions of the “National Accord”.

Concerning the last point, David Tharckabaw, Vice President of the UNFC, said he expected a new Nationwide Referendum to take place to approve the constitutional amendments. “We certainly cannot accept the government’s Stage 2 about development,” he argued. “Because, in our experience, with big development projects come big businesses that lay waste to the environment and the people’s livelihood. It should therefore be considered only after a political solution is reached.”
The proposal also calls for the political dialogue to take place outside the Parliament. “We may be taking a parallel position to that of The Lady,” admitted Hkun Okker.
According to Ms Zipporah Sein, General Secretary of the KNU, who met Aung San Suu Kyi on 8 April, the Nobel laureate was said to have accepted the challenge of amending the constitution “within the Parliament.”
The statement also urges the international community to continue relief and rehabilitation assistance to the refugees and IDPs replaced by war, as part of the peace process.
16 delegates representing 9 of the 11 member alliance had participated in the 2-hour long press conference, emblazoned with the well-known Three Musketeers slogan, “All for One and One for All.”

Friday 20 April 2012

India Tests Long-range Nuclear Missile to achive the global power .

India tests long-range missile capable of reaching deep into China and Europe Link to this video

India test-fired a long range missile capable of reaching deep into China and Europe on Thursday, thrusting the emerging Asian power into an elite club of nations with intercontinental nuclear weapons capabilities.

A scientist at the launch site confirmed the launch was successful, minutes after television images showed the rocket with a range of more than 5,000km (3,100 miles) blasting through clouds from an island off India's east coast.
"It has met all the mission objectives," SP Dash, director of the test range, told Reuters. "It hit the target with very good accuracy."
The Indian-made Agni V is the crowning achievement of a now-mothballed missile programme developed primarily with a possible threat from neighbouring China in mind.
Only the UN security council permanent members - China, France, Russia the US and Britain - along with Israel, are believed to have such long-range weapons.
Fast emerging as a world economic power, India is keen to play a larger role on the global stage and has long angled for a permanent seat on the security council. In recent years it has emerged as the world's top arms importer as it rushes to upgrade equipment for a large but outdated military.
"It is one of the ways of signalling India's arrival on the global stage, that India deserves to be sitting at the high table," said Harsh Pant, a defence expert at King's College, London, describing the launch as a "confidence boost".
The launch, which was flagged well in advance, has attracted none of the criticism from the west faced by North Korea for a failed bid to send up a similar rocket last week.
But China noted the launch with disapproval.
"The west chooses to overlook India's disregard of nuclear and missile control treaties," China's Global Times newspaper said in an editorial published before the launch, which was delayed by a day because of bad weather.
"India should not overestimate its strength," said the paper, which is owned by the Chinese Communist party's main mouthpiece, the People's Daily.
India has not signed the non-proliferation treaty for nuclear nations, but enjoys a de facto legitimacy for its arsenal, boosted by a landmark 2008 deal with the US.
On Wednesday, Nato said it did not consider India a threat. The US state department said India's non-proliferation record was "solid", while urging restraint

The New President of The World Bank ,

The U S policy is Interest and Interest to nominate the new President of worled bank .
Three candidates have been nominated to replace Robert Zoellick.

The US has nominated Jim Yong Kim (born December 8, 1959) He is a Korean-American physician and 17th President of Dartmouth College. He was formerly the Chair of the Department of Global Health and Social Medicine at Harvard Medical School, and was a co-founder and executive director of Partners in Health. In 2009, Kim was named the 17th President of Dartmouth College. Kim is the first Asian-American to assume the post of president at an Ivy League institution. Kim immigrated to the U.S. at age five, earned an undergraduate degree from Brown University and picked up a medical degree and doctorate in anthropology at Harvard University.

Some African countries (South Africa, Angola and possibly Nigeria) have nominated Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (born June 13, 1954) was appointed in July 2011 as the new Minister of Finance for the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Prior to this appointment, she was the Managing Director of World Bank (October 2007 – July 2011). She served as finance minister from July 2003 until her appointment as foreign minister in June 2006, and as foreign minister until her resignation in August 2006. She was educated at Harvard University, graduating magna cum laude with an A.B. in 1977, and earned her Ph.D. in regional economic development from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1981.

Brazil has nominated a Colombian citizen, José Antonio Ocampo Gaviria (born 20 December 1952). He is currently Professor of Professional Practice in International and Public Affairs and director, Economic and Political Development Concentration at the School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University. Prior to his appointment, Ocampo served in a number of positions in the United Nations and the Government of Colombia, most notably in the United Nations as Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs and Executive Secretary for the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, and in Colombia as Minister of Finance and Public Credit and Minister of Agriculture. Graduated from the University of Notre Dame in 1971 with B.A.s in Sociology and Economics, in 1976 he received his Ph.D from Yale University

Are any of these candidates up to the challenges that the World Bank presents? Arguably, there is no human being in the world who is fully equipped to resolve the issues now facing the World Bank. It is what is sometimes known as a widow-making job, i.e. a job in which the incumbent is almost doomed to fail

Wednesday 18 April 2012

Myanmar President , Thein Sein will visit Japan .

By YOREE KOH And CELINE FERNANDEZ

Myanmar President Thein Sein will make a five-day trip to Japan from this weekend, marking the first visit to the country by a leader of the Southeast Asian nation in nearly three decades, while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is planning to make in June her first visit overseas— to Norway and Britain—since 1989.

Reuters

Myanmar's President Thein Sein at the President's Office in Naypyitaw

Related News

Japan to Help Myanmar Set Up Securities Exchange

Mr. Thein Sein's visit comes amid a flurry of interest from Japanese companies eager to explore investment opportunities in Myanmar after the country began enacting economic and political reforms that have brought it out of isolation.
The U.S. said earlier this month it will begin easing some of its most stringent sanctions against Myanmar, while British Prime Minister David Cameron has recently called on the European Union to do the same.
Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda will meet with Mr. Thein Sein on Sunday, and the two are likely to discuss resuming financial aid to Myanmar and ways to help smooth the country's path toward democratic reform, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official said Wednesday.
Mr. Thein Sein is also likely to visit Japanese businesses during his stay through April 24, the official said.
Ms. Suu Kyi, meanwhile, who recently won a seat in Myanmar's parliament after a series of by-elections, has long vowed to visit Norway after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. She was unable to travel to Oslo to receive the award. Last week, she held a press conference with Britain's Mr. Cameron in which she offered her support for his call for the European Union to suspend sanctions in Myanmar, except to continue an arms embargo. Nyan Win, a spokesman for Ms. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, said the dates of her trip haven't yet been finalized.

Sunday 15 April 2012

CURRENCY WAR .

THE GLOBAL MONETARY SYSTEM WOULD BE CHANGED .

Currency war, also known as competitive devaluation, is a condition in international affairs where countries compete against each other to achieve a relatively low exchange rate for their own currency. As the price to buy a particular currency falls, so too does the real price of exports from the country. Imports become more expensive too, so domestic industry, and thus employment, receives a boost in demand both at home and abroad. However, the price increase in imports can harm citizens' purchasing power. The policy can also trigger retaliatory action by other countries which in turn can lead to a general decline in international trade, harming all countries.
Competitive devaluation has been rare through most of history as countries have generally preferred to maintain a high value for their currency; have been content to allow its value to be set by the markets or have participated in systems of managed exchanges rates. An exception was the episode of currency war which occurred in the 1930s. The period is considered to have been an adverse situation for all concerned, with all participants suffering as unpredictable changes in exchange rates reduced international trade.
According to Guido Mantega, the Brazilian Minister for Finance, a global currency war broke out in 2010. This view was echoed by numerous other financial journalists and government officials from around the world. Other senior policy makers and journalists have suggested the phrase "currency war" overstates the extent of hostility, though they agree that a risk of further escalation exists.

Currency War Effect

It is really Damaging the Global Economic . Too hard to stop ! , whether only for your interest or only for your money !, I don't know very well !

Behind all the smoke and fury, there are in fact three battles. The biggest one is over China’s unwillingness to allow the yuan to rise more quickly. American and European officials have sounded tougher about the “damaging dynamic” caused by China’s undervalued currency. Last month the House of Representatives passed a law allowing firms to seek tariff protection against countries with undervalued currencies, with a huge bipartisan majority. China’s “unfair” trade practices have become a hot topic in the mid-term elections.
A second flashpoint is the rich world’s monetary policy, particularly the prospect that central banks may soon restart printing money to buy government bonds. The dollar has fallen as financial markets expect the Federal Reserve to act fastest and most boldly. The euro has soared as officials at the European Central Bank show least enthusiasm for such a shift. In China’s eyes (and, sotto voce, those of many other emerging-market governments), quantitative easing creates a gross distortion in the world economy as investors rush elsewhere, especially into emerging economies, in search of higher yields.
A third area of contention comes from how the developing countries respond to these capital flows. Rather than let their exchange rates soar, many governments have intervened to buy foreign currency, or imposed taxes on foreign capital inflows. Brazil recently doubled a tax on foreign purchases of its domestic debt. This week Thailand announced a new 15% withholding tax for foreign investors in its bonds.

The Shan Federal Proposal , Part Four .

The Establishment of Federal Union.

(1) The structure

Even at the time various drafts of the Constitution were being submitted to the Constituent Assembly for ratification, U Chan Htoon had explained that a federal type of structure had been adopted due to unavoidable circumstances. But in adopting the federal structure, the United States of America and Switzerland, considered to be examples of the true federal type, were not chosen as models for the Union of Burma’s Constitution. It was the Canadian type, (or what U Chan Htoon considered as the moderate type) that was adopted.

Further, according to Mr. Tinker, a former Professor of History at the University of Rangoon, the Constitutional Advisor, Chan Htoon, observed much later that “our Constitution, though in theory federal, is in practice unitary.”)*
PART TWO of this document entitled The Shan State after the Second World War, has shown that the oft-repeated demands of the leaders of the Frontier Areas for a federal union was certainly not for the Canadian type, nor for a union that was in theory federal, but in practice unitary. What they demanded was for a truly federal structure.
U Chan Htoon had further commented that “the Chapters setting up the States together with the concession of the right of secession (under stringent safeguards) were inserted to assuage the doubts of the frontier leaders rather than to meet actual political and administrative requirements; a form of atonement for the age-old suspicion of the Burmese the hill peoples could not at once discard.”
But the frontier leaders’ desire for a truly federal structure was not due to suspicions of the Burmese, as U Chan Htoon erroneously supposed, but was based on the “Right of the Nations to self-determination” that was proclaimed by World Leaders at the time.
If we look at the federal structures anywhere in the World, we will find that the structure was established by various constituent units or States coming together to form a union by common agreement. In the case of the Union of Burma, although individual States were formed for the peoples of the Frontier Areas, such as the Shan State, the Kachin State and the Karen State, there was no separate State established for Burma proper. Instead Burma was established as the one and the same entity as the Central Union Government.
This structure of the Union under the present Constitution, apart from doing away with the principle of equality, is what has made frontier peoples more suspicious of the Burmese.
This structure could one day become the principal cause of the break-up of the Union.
Therefore, in revising the Constitution, if we wish to ensure stability and equality, we must see to it that Burma proper is established as one of the constituent States.

(2) Distribution of powers

There are two methods of distribution of powers in a federal system.

(i)	In a truly federal nation, the (Central) Federal Government is given powers in respect of subjects common to all, and the residuary powers are retained by the States.
(ii)	In a moderate type of federal nation, limited powers are given to the States and the Federal Government tightly controls all the residuary powers.

What the frontier leaders wanted was power distribution according to the truly federal type. The power distribution under the Constitution of the Union of Burma goes directly against the wishes of the frontier leaders.
The peoples of the frontier areas are greatly dissatisfied and are suspicious that the Burmese are trying to dominate them because only limited powers are given to the States while the residuary powers are tightly controlled by the Union Government, and because Burma proper has not only not been made a constituent State but concurrently holds the reins of power together with the Union Government.
Therefore in revising the Constitution, the genuine federal principle must be followed, with the Central Government being given only those powers in respect of subjects common to all, while allowing the States to retain all residuary powers.

(3) Establishment of the Parliament

Parliaments in Federal Unions normally consist of an Upper House and a Lower House.
The Lower House is usually composed of members chosen by the people on a population basis. The States therefore have the right to elect and send to the Lower House of Parliament the number of Representatives their population entitles them to. With regard to the Upper House, however, States, whether large or small, send the same number or representatives. Such a composition of the Upper Hose ensures that larger and more populous States cannot act in a domineering manner over the smaller ones; and the Upper House can also act as a check on the powers of the Lower House. In other words, by forming the Upper House in this way, it ensures the equality of all the constituent States in the Union, and also safeguards the rights of the smaller States.
Furthermore, the two Houses of Parliament in a Federal Union are usually granted equal powers. In the present Parliament of the Union of Burma however, the Chamber of Nationalities which is the Upper House, does not enjoy the same powers as the Chamber of the Deputies, the Lower House. The States also do not have the right to send the same number of representatives to the Chamber of Nationalities. And since the Union Government is made responsible only to the Chamber of Deputies, the Chamber of Nationalities little influence, and cannot defend the rights of the States.
Therefore the way the Parliament is established in the present Constitution will have to be changed. Not only must the Chamber of Nationalities have powers equal to those of the Chamber of Deputies, but every State must have the right to send an equal number of members to t the Chamber of Nationalities

Saturday 14 April 2012

Images of North Korea Rocket Launch .

SEOUL, South Korea – New satellite images of a North Korean rocket launch site show a mobile radar trailer and rows of what appear to be empty fuel and oxidizer tanks, evidence of ramped-up preparation for what Washington calls a cover for a long-range missile test.
An analysis of images provided Monday to The Associated Press by the U.S.-Korea Institute at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies shows Pyongyang "has undertaken more extensive preparations for its planned April rocket launch than previously understood." The images were taken Wednesday.
A mobile radar trailer essential for any launch stands at the end of a new dirt road running from the entrance of the Tongchang-ri site; it has a dish antenna that's probably a radar tracking system, according to the institute's analysis. Radar tracking during a launch gives engineers crucial real-time information on the performance of the rocket's engines, guidance system and other details.

"These pictures are new and important evidence that the North's preparations for its rocket launch are progressing according to schedule," said Joel Wit, visiting fellow at the institute and editor of its website on North Korea, "38 North." The images are from Digital Globe, a commercial satellite photography company.

North Korea says the launch, set for sometime between April 12 and 16, will fire a satellite into orbit to study the country's crops and natural resources. It is also meant to honor one of the country's most important days -- the centennial of the April 15 birth of national founder Kim Il Sung.

Washington says North Korea uses such launches to test missile systems for nuclear weapons that could target the United States. While North Korea has conducted two nuclear tests, analysts don't believe it has yet mastered the technology needed to shrink a nuclear weapon and mount it onto a missile.

Any launch would be the end of a Feb. 29 accord between North Korea and the United States that would ship U.S. food aid to the impoverished North in exchange for a moratorium on missile and nuclear tests, as well as a suspension of nuclear work at its main Yongbyon nuclear facility. The U.S. says plans to provide food to the North Korea are already on hold.

The launch would be the fourth of its kind since 1998, when Pyongyang sent a long-range rocket hurtling over Japan. The last rocket launch, in 2009, led to U.N. condemnation and the North walking away from six-nation nuclear disarmament talks; weeks later, it carried out its second nuclear test.

The planned launch could demonstrate if North Korea is closer to perfecting a multistage rocket that could hit the United States. Analysts fear a new launch could spur a chain of events that would mirror 2009 and send tensions soaring again on the Korean peninsula. A year after the last test, 50 South Koreans were killed in attacks blamed on North Korea.
The new satellite images show what are likely empty fuel and oxidizer tanks in previously empty, fenced-in areas, the institute's analysis says.
"The tanks were apparently dumped in these locations after their contents were transferred to buildings that will directly fuel the first stage of the Unha-3" rocket, according to the analysis. "The large number of apparently empty tanks indicates that the transfer process may have been close to completion."
The announcement of the latest launch came just two weeks after the Feb. 29 U.S.-North Korean nuclear-freeze-for-aid agreement, which had buoyed hopes for improved relations between the wartime enemies under new North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. He came to power after his father Kim Jong Il died of a heart attack in December.
North Korea's ruling party announced Monday that it will hold an important political conference April 11 in Pyongyang. Kim Jong Un is expected to gain new titles at the conference, which comes shortly before the planned launch.
The North's new Tongchang-ri rocket launch site is about 35 miles from the Chinese border city of Dandong. North Korea has said that the southerly flight path from the site was chosen so debris wouldn't hurt neighboring countries.
But there has been widespread fear over falling debris from the rocket. Japan's defense minister has ordered missile units to intercept the rocket if it or its fragments threaten to hit Japan. Seoul has also warned it might shoot down any parts of the North Korean rocket heading for South Korean territory.
South Korean defense officials have said the main body of the three-stage rocket was transported to a building in Tongchang-ri.

Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/world/2012/04/02/images-reportedly-show-north-korea-preparations-for-rocket-launch/#ixzz1s59QIE00

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